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In the 2024 UK general election, Reform came third with a 14% share of the vote, capturing five seats in the House of Commons. This was a breakthrough election for the party. In the previous general election in 2019, when it was known as the Brexit party, it won a 2% vote share and captured no parliamentary seats at all.
This success is part of a trend. Radical right-wing populist parties are making gains in elections across many democracies and, in plenty of cases, they’re winning power. Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy has been in government in Italy since the election of September 2022, when they took 26% of the vote and captured 119 seats in the national parliament.
In the National Assembly elections of June 2024, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally increased its representation from 89 seats to 125 seats. And in the Netherlands, the Freedom Party (PVV), led by right-wing populist Geert Wilders, won the largest vote share in 2023 with 24%, capturing 37 seats in the House of Representatives.
Perhaps most significantly, Donald Trump won the US presidential election in November 2024 with a rightwing populist agenda – a victory that has created turmoil in American politics and the economy, along with the rest of the world.
Expert views
The Chapel Hill expert surveys, a database that classifies political parties into ideological groupings, helps illustrate the stakes at play here.
The 2024 survey data covers 31 countries, and it was administered in all the European Union member state,s plus a few others, including Britain, Norway, and Turkey. It shows that there are more radical right-wing parties than any other kind of party in these countries, and they are growing in number and in support.
The 2024 data was compiled by 609 political scientists, who looked at party ideologies, their policy preferences, electoral performances, and the extent to which they participate in government. There are 279 parties in the database altogether, and so they are classified into “party families” to make the analysis manageable.
A party family is a grouping of parties which the experts think are similar to each other, even though there may be some differences between them. For example, the Alternative for Germany (AfD), the National Rally (RN) in France, the Party for Freedom (VVD) in the Netherlands, the Freedom Party in Austria (FPO), and Reform in Britain are all classified as right-wing populist parties in the dataset. The chart shows the extent to which these 11 party families have been successful in winning votes in the most recent elections.
The Performance of Party Families in 31 Countries in 2024:
The radical right family consisted of 48 parties, and on average, they won 11% of the votes and 17% of seats in the various national legislatures. They are growing in support and influence, coming fourth after the conservative, socialist, and Christian democrat party families in voting support and representation in parliaments.
The threat to democracy
We can get some idea of how likely such parties are to undermine democracy by looking at responses to a question in the Chapel Hill survey. This asked the experts to judge the extent to which parties think power should or should not be concentrated in the executive. It is measured on a ten-point scale where zero means that the party is strongly in favour of constraining the power of the executive, whereas ten means that a party opposes any restrictions on executive powers.
The chart shows the average scores for each of the party families on this executive power scale. It is readily apparent that the radical right parties are significant outliers on the scale, being very much more likely to support executive dominance than the other party families.
Scores on the Executive Power Scale
The survey showed that parties of the right, such as the Conservatives, Agrarian and Religious parties, are rather more likely to support executive dominance than parties of the centre or left. But the radical right parties stand out as really strongly supporting this. This is in sharp contrast to radical left parties, which are quite suspicious of such executive dominance.
This is important since it shows that once in power, these parties are tempted to subvert the separation of powers between the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary. This is likely to be accompanied by attacks on an independent media, the use of the courts against opponents, and attempts to gerrymander elections.
All this comes from the belief that a strong leader is the best form of government, a sentiment shared by many Trump supporters in the United States. Anne Applebaum’s recent book Twilight of Democracy illustrates this dynamic in the case of eastern European countries such as Poland and Hungary.
The implication is that if these parties grow stronger and dominate governments, they are quite likely to try to subvert democracy. Reform supporters in Britain could get more than they bargained for.
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James' World 2 