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Six days before the election, more than two dozen of President Trump’s top strategists logged onto a private video call.
The mood was grim. The discussion began with talk of cyanide.
“Do you want the white pill first, or the black pill first?” asked Tony Fabrizio, the president’s chief pollster.
Tim Saler, one of the Republican Party’s top data consultants, laid out two scenarios. In the first, the $400 million MAGA Inc. super PAC was reaching the voters that it had wanted and expected to vote. “That’s the optimistic scenario,” he said.
The other was a wipeout.
“I’m getting my affairs in order,” James Blair, who left the White House to oversee the president’s midterm strategy, said to laughter, according to four people on the call. “I suggest everybody else do the same.”
For roughly 30 minutes, the call ran on gallows humor: funeral arrangements, prison food, presidential pardons, even a brief riff on fleeing the country.
“At least Bibi won. He’ll protect us,” Mr. Blair said sarcastically of the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, whose country had voted the day before. (Mr. Netanyahu’s bloc fell short of a majority, and his party soon claimed the election had been stolen.)
“Maybe we could get asylum in Israel,” Mr. Fabrizio said.
Collapse at the Polls
The scope of the Republican wreckage would become clear a week later.
Democrats stormed to a huge House majority and won control of the Senate, a remarkable feat powered by victories in Republican strongholds — Kansas, South Carolina, Texas — that few could have imagined a year ago.
This account of the Republican Party’s collapse is based on interviews with more than 70 people — among them lawmakers, political strategists, party leaders, pollsters, White House officials and congressional aides — who were directly involved in the midterm elections, many of whom were granted anonymity to describe private conversations and decisions.
The scale of the defeat was far from inevitable.
Republicans had record fund-raising, the world’s richest man, a favorable Supreme Court ruling on campaign finance and a demoralized, unpopular opposition.
In the Senate, they had a map that required Democrats to compete in states they hadn’t won in decades.
And in the House, the Trump team demolished the tradition of redrawing congressional lines only once a decade in order to carve up new districts to help the G.O.P. bolster its narrow majority.
What Republicans could not overcome was a president who lost the public’s trust on the economy and so much more. And what they had not counted on was an unpopular war in the Middle East — one that would close the Strait of Hormuz and push gas prices past $4 a gallon — that would rage all the way through the election.
And Democrats were ready, this time, to seize on the G.O.P. stumbles.
A Stark Warning on the Iran War
The slide deck that Mr. Blair had circulated over the summer to officials in the West Wing was stark.
One slide linked Republicans’ polling numbers to an Iran war timeline.
It showed how the Democratic advantage had ballooned during active hostilities, shrunk during talks over a “memorandum of understanding” and then spiked again when the cease-fire collapsed.
By the end of July, Democrats had a 10-point edge on the congressional ballot.
The “bottom line” was hard to miss. It was in highlighter yellow: Republicans could still conceivably win the House if Democrats had only a four-point edge. “But that won’t happen without an extended cease-fire, Hormuz open & gas prices falling,” the slide warned.
“A final result approaching D+10 would likely cost us the Senate.”
The results on Tuesday were even worse: Mr. Trump’s party is on track to lose the national popular congressional vote by about 13 points, according to estimates by The New York Times. It is shaping up to be the worst loss in a half-century, since the aftermath of the Watergate scandal.
Even before the polls had closed, Mr. Trump had begun to ruminate on what might have been.
“If we never went into Iran, what do you think would happen in the midterms?” the president had asked privately, according to a person who spoke to him.
An Unchecked Second Term
What made the war such a potent force is that it told a simple story for voters.
As a candidate, Mr. Trump had promised no new wars. He started a new war.
He promised lower prices. Gas prices soared and inflation rose.
The story of the G.O.P. midterm implosion was not only a story of broken promises; it was also a story of radical overreach. After Mr. Trump came back from pariah status after Jan. 6, 2021, some advisers believed he had convinced himself that the rules of politics had been suspended for him alone. That illusion was obliterated on Tuesday night.
Over nearly two years, hubris had become the governing philosophy of Mr. Trump’s second presidency.
There was a seemingly endless string of investigative pieces revealing that Mr. Trump, his family and their close associates had used the presidency to enrich themselves brazenly. Those reports began to resonate with voters; an early October poll from Fox News showed corruption as the top voter concern. (Anna Kelly, a White House spokeswoman, said: “The President only acts in the best interest of the American people. There are no conflicts of interest.”)
In 2025, Mr. Trump began a trade war with the entire world — the pain of which was still being felt more than a year later on farms all over the suddenly competitive states of Kansas, Texas and Iowa.
Throughout it all, the president flashed indifference to the struggles of Americans that his policies had exacerbated.
Soaring gas prices? “A small price to pay,” Mr. Trump insisted.
Some members of his team grew exasperated as Mr. Trump spoke seemingly more about his new ballroom than the border, golf courses than grocery prices, interior decorations than inflation.
On the eve of the midterms, he focused his closing pitch on his refurbishment of the Reflecting Pool on the National Mall, joking that he was considering renaming it for himself rather than Abraham Lincoln.
Unlike in the past, Democrats mostly ignored the daily Trump distractions and sought to connect corruption to costs. They also told a story of a government focused on elites while average people struggled — from Jeffrey Epstein’s protected associates to the president’s $2.2 billion in personal profits.
In the House, Democrats quickly and unexpectedly countered Mr. Trump’s redistricting push and pursued strong candidates deep into red territory to spread the map. In the Senate, they found a series of blue-chip recruits who put once unthinkable states into play. In the final, frenzied weeks of the campaign, Republicans were redirecting cash from the usual swing states of North Carolina and Georgia to try to shore up traditional strongholds in South Carolina and even Mississippi.
The war in Iran, said Representative Hakeem Jeffries of New York, the Democratic leader and now the speaker-in-waiting, helped “supercharge” the contrast between the two parties.
Republicans had tried to frame the midterms as a choice between “common sense and crazy,” relentlessly attacking the rising democratic socialist wing of the left.
Yet Mr. Trump’s own pollster’s final survey, taken two weeks before the election, showed that while both the MAGA Republican brand and democratic socialists were unpopular with voters, MAGA carried more baggage. When Republicans who were not planning to cast ballots were asked what it would take to earn back their vote, their top two answers were ending the war and addressing inflation.
On that final call before Election Day, Mr. Trump’s advisers were both clear-eyed and cynical about the state of the race, referring at one point to a Trump ally who ran for governor of Minnesota and demanded a recount in his primary despite losing in a landslide.
“Look, it’s fine,” Mr. Blair told the group acerbically. “I think we’ll just pull a Mike Lindell and demand a recount regardless of how many points we’re down.”
Alex Pfeiffer, a spokesman for the MAGA Inc. super PAC, said that the group’s “sober and clear-eyed view of the political environment,” led to investing in House races Republicans are leading in, in Maine, Florida, Tennessee, New York and Texas.
“The people peddling these made up quotes and false gossip not only demean and belittle the historic and generous investment by the president into the party’s midterm effort, but they also slander the hard work of the many who contributed to this effort,” he said in a statement. “They are cowards and losers.”
A White House official, who declined to speak on the record, said in response to the reporting for this article: “President Trump was not on the ballot, and it’s proven that Trump voters show up when he is on the ballot. Candidate quality matters, and President Trump did a better job promoting many of the candidates on the ballot than the candidates did themselves.”
The official repeated that the president, who acknowledged earlier on Wednesday that the war affected the midterms, had over and over again said Iran can’t procure a nuclear weapon.
The Anti-Recruiter
While Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, painstakingly recruited top-tier Senate candidates, Mr. Trump took a series of steps that endangered the Republican majority.
After Senator Joni Ernst of Iowa flirted with opposing Mr. Trump’s most controversial nominees and Senator Thom Tillis of North Carolina voted against his signature tax-and-spending bill, Mr. Trump’s allies threatened to end their careers. Both decided to retire, creating vulnerable open seats that had been held by Republicans.
In North Carolina, Mr. Trump cleared the field for Michael Whatley, a former lobbyist and Republican National Committee chairman, who proved a lackluster candidate and lost to Roy Cooper, the state’s popular Democratic former governor.
After Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina died in July, Mr. Trump supported tapping his sister, Darline, to not just replace him temporarily but also to run for a full six-year term. In doing so, he elevated an inexperienced candidate with no fund-raising base, and she went on to lose in a state that had not elected a Democrat to the Senate since 1998.
But no candidate proved more costly to the party than Ken Paxton, the scandal-ridden Texas attorney general. Mr. Trump endorsed him over Senator John Cornyn, the Republican incumbent, ignoring a year of warnings that Mr. Paxton would put the seat in jeopardy. Republicans were ultimately forced to spend close to $300 million in Texas — money that could have gone to shore up candidates in other states. Mr. Paxton lost by 12 points.
On another recent call, the Trump team mocked the haplessness of some of the Republicans they were trying to elect.
“I have seen the enemy,” Mr. Blair told the group a week earlier. “And it is us.”
Mr. Fabrizio replied: “In many places.”
The Democrats’ Playbook
In May 2025, Mr. Schumer arrived at Wildflower Farms, an upscale resort in New York’s Hudson Valley, for a secretive retreat with donors and party officials. He desperately needed to expand the Senate map.
At the Wildflower retreat, James Talarico, a youthful-looking state legislator in Texas, had delivered a five-minute speech for the assembled crowd on the importance of storytelling in campaigns. Mr. Schumer was smitten. He told at least two attendees afterward that he wanted to get Mr. Talarico to run for the Senate.
To win control of the Senate, Democrats needed to hold all of their seats and flip at least four, including in states that Mr. Trump won handily in 2024.
Mr. Schumer spent months wooing Mr. Cooper and took at least three trips to Ohio to coax former Senator Sherrod Brown, who had lost in 2024 but had a populist brand that matched the country’s mood.“If you retire and we lose the majority by one vote, you won’t enjoy your retirement,” Mr. Schumer recalled telling Mr. Brown, 73.
Both ran and won.
In the House, where Democrats had fallen three seats short in 2024, recruiters went hunting in districts Mr. Trump had carried by 10 points or more, betting early that the emboldened president would overreach.
An election post-mortem by the Democratic House Majority PAC circulated in April 2025 found two factors stood out among the party’s stronger 2024 candidates: being “perceived as moderate” and focusing on the economy.
“If we wanted to compete deeper in red districts, we needed to find candidates who are not immediately off-putting,” said Mike Smith, the PAC’s president.
They set about recruiting candidates with distinctive biographies: military veterans, doctors, farmers, a smokejumper, a Tejano music star — just about anyone who didn’t scream professional politician.
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