James' World 2

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Another explosive wildfire in California, driven by the region’s notorious Santa Ana winds, has burned thousands of buildings and has forced thousands of people to evacuate from their homes. The Palisades Fire began at 10:30 A.M. local time on Tuesday near Los Angeles’s Pacific Palisades neighborhood. Much of the neighborhood is under evacuation orders, which extended to northern Santa Monica. As of Thursday morning, the fire had scorched more than 17,000 acres and destroyed more than 2,000 structures.

Another blaze, the Eaton Fire, erupted on Tuesday evening in Altadena, Calif., just north of Los Angeles. As of late Wednesday, it had burned more than 10,000 acres and resulted in at least five deaths. Both fires had caused numerous injuries, according to officials.

On Wednesday evening, another fire began in the heart of Los Angeles just north of Hollywood. The fire grew rapidly to cover more than 40 acres as it spread downhill in Runyon Canyon. Though winds were not as high as Tuesday night, they were still pushing the fire and carrying embers that started spot fires. Helicopters made water drops, which helped beat back the flames.

Forecasters had warned that the risk of fire was extremely high this week, reaching “particularly dangerous situation” status as the ferocious winds combined with tinder-dry vegetation after a lack of rain during the beginning of what would usually be the wet season.

Gusts around the Palisades Fire were measured in the range of 40 to 50 miles per hour as of Tuesday afternoon, climate scientist Daniel Swain said during one of his regular “virtual climate and weather office hours,” hosted on YouTube. “Right now the winds are not extremely high, but again, they’re high enough,” said Swain, who is at the University of California Agriculture and Natural Resources. Gusts were expected to reach 70 to 80 mph as the winds would peak on Tuesday night into Wednesday, with some places potentially seeing gusts as high as 100 mph. Gusts of 99 mph was measured in the San Gabriel Mountains north of Pasadena, Calif.

What Are the Santa Ana Winds?

The Santa Ana winds commonly propel fast-moving, damaging fires in this area; their characteristic dryness and speed can rapidly fan and spread flames. These winds are a result of local geography and a particular meteorological setup in which a high-pressure system sits over the Great Basin in the interior of the U.S. West and a low-pressure system hangs over California or offshore. Winds “want” to move from high to low pressure, and as they do so in this area, they travel downslope from the relatively high deserts. This descent compresses the air, warming it up and drying it out. (Such downslope winds, which happen in other locations around the world, are scientifically termed katabatic winds.)

The Santa Ana winds are additionally funneled through narrow mountain canyons, which causes them to speed up. The hot, dry, and fast nature of these winds makes them perfectly suited to spreading flames from any spark that ignites. The winds blow embers well ahead of the fire front, starting new spot fires. “Those embers are going to follow the wind and burn whatever they want,” Swain said in another video on YouTube on Tuesday.

In a couple of respects, this Santa Ana wind event isn’t a typical one: it “is especially extreme and is reaching lower elevations than usual with strong winds,” Swain said in another briefing on Wednesday morning.

Is Climate Change Playing a Role in the Los Angeles Fires?

The timing of the event is more in line with the norm: Santa Ana events typically happen from October through January. Part of what is raising fire risks from these events, though, is related to the influence of climate change on fluctuations in the region’s precipitation.

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Good morning love! I am yours from the hours of 12 to 3 tomorrow so please let me know how you would like to use me. Here are some options:

1. I come while you hang with the baby and I do laundry, bottles, cooking, buy and put away groceries.

2. I come and take care of the baby while you sleep in your room alone or you go do something by yourself or you guys go out to lunch the two of you without the baby.

3. I come and take you out to lunch with or without the baby.

4. And we sit on the couch and just chat or watch a funny movie with the baby.

You can decide whenever you want, just let me know!

The key here is that there are multiple options to choose from, each laid out clearly so the new parent only has to respond with a single number: 1, 2, 3, or 4. Rogers likes to include tasks that someone might be uncomfortable asking of a friend, like doing laundry or washing bottles.

“Everyone’s like, ‘Oh, let me know what you want. Let me know how I can help.’ You’re so far deep in this world of postpartum ‘whatever’ that you don’t even know how to ask someone for something,” she said in her Reel. “Also, there aren’t many people, other than my sisters, that I would ask to be like, ‘Can you just come over and clean?’”

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A constitutional winter is upon us, partly enabled by last summer’s spike in the price of eggs. While the Federal Reserve battled egg inflation, angry voters reinstalled Donald Trump in the White House. Among his first acts: appointing two tech billionaires, Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, as efficiency czars. What their Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE)—more an advisory group, really—proposes to do, however, involves constitutional gambits that would rob James Madison, the “father of the Constitution,” of sleep.

Trump rode to victory attacking grocery costs and convincing voters that government was wasteful and that he alone could fix their grievances. His supporters included people fed up with Bidenomics and administrative snafus, everyday bureaucratic mazes that waste time, money, and patience.

Incoming presidents have often promised to address such snafus. Most famously, former president Bill Clinton, with his vice president, Al Gore, launched a “reinventing government” initiative that sought solutions from career public servants even as the initiative trumpeted basic business principles.

In stark contrast, Trump’s first-term agenda of “deconstructing the administrative state” failed in its ultimate goal of making key federal positions at-will hires to somehow deliver better government. Through DOGE, Trump will try again to overhaul the bureaucracy, this time with the help of business people whose ideas about the Constitution presage lengthy court battles.

In November, what appeared as the DOGE plan in the Wall Street Journal revealed a fundamental misunderstanding of public administration. Rather than addressing administrative snafus with a scalpel, DOGE risks creating constitutional ones with its axe.

DOGE’s lip service to eliminating “waste, fraud and abuse” thinly veils an agenda aimed at dismantling corporate watchdogs, from the EPA to the FDIC, and politicizing agencies like the DOJ and IRS to pursue presidential ends, without constitutional guardrails. This approach threatens the delicate constitutional balance that has sustained the Republic for over a century, dividing power among the three branches and the nonpartisan bureaucracy in their midst.

To nurture this balance, DOGE could consider mission-driven recommendations from the good government community of public administration scholars and nonpartisan research groups like the National Academy of Public Administration. They routinely investigate the best ways to make government more efficient and effective. Their past research findings can improve hiring, program implementation, cost management and other administrative techniques. These could have real, positive impacts on government efficiency while still allowing Trump to leave a positive legacy on the civil service. Plenty of these initiatives are already moving bureaucracy away from its technocratic, often snafu-riddled proceduralism to a more publicly engaged demonstration of outcomes.

Instead, the DOGE blueprint blatantly ignores Congress—even with GOP control—and champions the “unitary executive” theory of government by presenting normal bureaucratic rulemaking as a supposed scourge of democracy. Overstretching the summer’s Supreme Court rulings in West Virginia v. EPA and Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, the DOGE blueprint assumes that this executive, backed by a sympathetic judiciary, can “drive action” through reorganization, rule nullification, and impoundments.

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Stephanie Arnett/MIT Technology Review | Lummi

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