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The universe’s brightest supernovae are turbocharged by newborn magnetars

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Every star’s death is dramatic. Superluminous supernovae take the theatrics to another level.

In the early 2000s, scientists first saw these conspicuous cataclysms, which can shine much longer and be more than 10 times brighter than a normal supernova. And ever since, they’ve been wondering what physical process explains such supernovae’s exceptional, lingering glare.

Now they know. In a paper published today in the journal Nature, astrophysicists nailed down a superluminous supernova’s true source: radiation beamed out from a city-sized, freshly formed, highly magnetized, fast-spinning ball of neutrons—a so-called magnetar. Besides solving the puzzle of superluminous supernovae, this also marks the first time scientists have witnessed a magnetar’s birth. And what gave it all away is a strange quirk of Einstein’s general theory of relativity.

“It’s so remote from anything we’ve ever thought of,” says Joseph Farah, a graduate student affiliated with the at the Las Cumbres Observatory (LCO) and the University of California, Santa Barbara, who led the study. “We know so little about these things.”

What is known is that when a massive star exhausts its fuel, it collapses in on itself and explodes, leaving behind an expanding, slowly cooling cloud of radioactive gas and debris with a tiny stellar remnant at the center. When such a star was some 10 to 25 times the mass of our sun, that remnant is usually a neutron star. These are the weirdest chunks of matter in the cosmos—a teaspoon of their material weighs as much as Mount Everest—making neutron stars the sites of some of the most extreme physics out there.

Neutron stars get especially extreme when they’re rapidly spinning, pulsing out lighthouse-like beams of radiation from their poles; astronomers call these objects pulsars. And magnetars are the most extreme of all: most of them are newborn pulsars that possess magnetic fields up to 1,000 times stronger than normal.

Although theorists already had inklings that a magnetar’s tempestuous birth might help explain superluminous supernovae, clinching the case proved difficult. A potential breakthrough came in late 2024 with the eruption of a new superluminous supernova, SN 2024afav, about a billion light-years from Earth. Monitored across 200 days by astronomers at the LCO, SN 2024afav’s brightness periodically dipped, oscillating back and forth, with the time between dips getting shorter and shorter over the course of the measurement.

Farah and his co-authors went to the blackboard in search of explanations for this specific pattern. They landed on only one that could explain it. As a magnetar spins on its axis at nearly the speed of light, its immense magnetic field contorts, coils, and twists to pump out powerful radiation. Energy from this astrophysical engine sets the surrounding ejected gas aglow, souping up the supernova’s luminosity and longevity.

But what caused these stellar embers to wax and wane? The answer boils down to how the spinning dead star dragged space and time in its wake.

The magnetar was initially surrounded by a whirling disk of matter, funneling from its inner edge onto the stellar remnant. The disk was slightly tilted from the magnetar’s spin axis, and the violent maelstrom of spacetime it created twirled the disk around it. From afar, this consequence of general relativity, called “Lense-Thirring precession,” made the whole system look like a spinning top wobbling upon a table.

From Earth’s vantage point—right along the faraway magnetar’s equator—the wobbling disk acted like a film projector’s shutter, periodically occluding our view of the dead star supercharging SN 2024afav. As the days went by and the magnetar chomped away at its disk, that torus of material shrank inward. This sped up the shutter effect, making the dips in light more and more frequent until the disk was gone.

This stellar origin story, the authors say, matches the data better than anything else they could come up with. That makes it the surest evidence yet of what’s really going on at the center of a superluminous supernovae. “Other possible energy sources wouldn’t produce such a pattern,” says Daniel Kasen of the University of California, Berkeley, one of the astrophysicists who first proposed the magnetar explanation in 2010 and is acknowledged for providing helpful discussion in the new paper. “A magnetar can act as a powerful engine that lights up the supernova to extraordinary brightness.”

The confirmation opens up magnetars as yet another cosmic laboratory for testing general relativity. “Everything about the system is extreme,” says Adam Ingram, an astrophysicist at Newcastle University in England, who served as a peer reviewer for the study. “The gravitational field is strong enough for the most exotic predictions of general relativity to be large effects.”

Over its lifetime, the newly operational Vera C. Rubin Observatory in Chile will see millions of supernovae, including many more of these rare events. And wherever general relativity is visible in the world, Farah says, there’s an opportunity to better understand it—and perhaps even to find new cracks in the edifice of Einstein’s greatest theory, from which fresh ideas could spring. “It means we can test one of our fundamental theories of reality in one of the most extreme environments in the universe,” he says.

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https://static.scientificamerican.com/dam/m/651fd053a9d93450/original/magnetar-beaming.jpeg?m=1773248922.487&w=900

An artist’s conception of a magnetar beaming out radiation. Astronomers found an extra-bright supernova powered by such an engine. Joseph Farah/Curtis McCully

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Sleep Smarter: The Ultimate Guide To Better Rest

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March is Sleep Awareness Month, making it the perfect time to examine one of the most powerful pillars of our well-being: rest. In a culture that glorifies busyness, sleep often becomes the first thing we sacrifice and the last thing we prioritize. Many of us brag about how little we get, treat exhaustion like a badge of honor, and convince ourselves we’ll “catch up” on the weekend. But mounting research continues to show that getting enough shut-eye is critical.

Quality sleep impacts nearly every system in the body. It supports cognitive function, stabilizes your mood, regulates hormones, strengthens immunity, and even influences metabolism and heart health. Chronic sleep deprivation has been linked to increased stress, anxiety, depression, and long-term conditions such as hypertension and diabetes. With that said, instead of adding another serum or supplement to your wellness routine, it might be more effective to start by implementing an earlier bedtime.

Sleep Awareness Month, led by organizations such as the National Sleep Foundation, encourages people to assess their bedtime habits and commit to healthier sleep practices. Whether you’re someone who struggles to fall asleep, wakes up throughout the night, or simply doesn’t feel rested in the morning, this is the perfect time to reset.

Below, we’re breaking down everything you need to know about improving your sleep. From understanding your sleep cycle to building a nighttime routine that actually works. Consider this your evergreen guide to getting the rest you deserve.

Understand Your Sleep Cycle

Sleep isn’t one long and uniform state. It’s a cycle that repeats several times a night and often lasts 90 to 120 minutes. Each cycle includes stages of light sleep, deep sleep, and REM (rapid eye movement) sleep. Deep sleep is crucial for physical restoration, while REM sleep supports memory consolidation and emotional processing.

Most adults need 7–9 hours per night, according to sleep experts. When you consistently cut your sleep short, you interrupt these cycles, especially the later REM-heavy stages. This may explain why you sometimes wake up groggy and struggle with focus. 

If you’re not getting enough sleep, try going to bed and waking up at the same time every day, even on weekends. Consistency helps regulate your internal clock.

Create a Wind-Down Routine

Your brain needs cues that it’s safe to power down. Checking emails and scrolling in bed can keep your nervous system activated and prolong your body transitioning into sleep mode. To help you wind down on time, consider:

  • Dimming the lights an hour before bed
  • Taking a warm shower or bath
  • Reading a physical book
  • Practicing light stretching or deep breathing
  • Listening to calming music or white noise
  • Putting your phone in another room

Optimize Your Sleep Environment

Your bedroom should feel like a sanctuary and not an extension of your office or living room. Think about how you can redesign it to create a zen environment that promotes relaxation and rest. A low-hanging fruit to focus on includes the temperature: most experts recommend a cool room at around 60–67°F. Darkness is also helpful, so blackout curtains or an eye mask can make a big difference. If you’re sensitive to sound, think about noise control. White noise machines or fans can mask disruptive sounds. Of course, a comfortable bed is key, so pad up your bed with supportive pillows and a mattress that fits your sleep style. These small upgrades can significantly improve your sleep quality over time.

Rethink Your Relationship With Screens

Blue light from phones, tablets, and TVs can suppress melatonin, the hormone that helps regulate sleep. But beyond the light itself, content consumption can keep your mind racing.

If you can, aim to power down devices 30–60 minutes before bed. If that’s unrealistic, consider:

  • Using blue light filters
  • Using a Brick device or a Bloom card to lock addictive apps
  • Switching to audio content or getting an old-school radio for music that helps you sleep
  • Avoiding emotionally stimulating news or social media debates late at night

Protecting your pre-sleep mental space can help prevent late bedtimes and trouble falling asleep due to overstimulation.

Be Mindful of What You Consume

Caffeine can linger in your system for up to eight hours (sometimes longer). Alcohol may make you feel sleepy initially, but it disrupts deep and REM sleep later in the night. If you’re struggling to rest, avoid caffeine in the early afternoon and limit heavy meals near bedtime.

Be cautious about consuming alcohol close to bed and swap that out for small amounts of water instead. While hydration matters, try not to overdo fluids right before going to sleep to avoid bathroom trips in the middle of the night.

Move Your Body

Regular exercise has been shown to improve sleep quality, reduce stress, and help you fall asleep faster. However, intense workouts right before bed can elevate your heart rate and adrenaline.

Aim for movement earlier in the day when possible. Even a brisk 20–30 minute walk can positively impact your rest without disrupting your sleep. 

Address Stress Head-on

If racing thoughts are your biggest sleep thief, consider incorporating stress-management techniques during the day, not just at night. Sleep struggles are often symptoms of daytime overload, so consider ways to minimize it.

Helpful tools include:

  • Journaling before bed to “brain dump.” 
  • Mindfulness or meditation apps
  • Therapy or counseling if anxiety is persistent
  • Setting boundaries around work hours

Know When to Seek Help

Occasional restless nights are normal. But if you consistently have trouble falling or staying asleep, experience severe anxiety, have insomnia, or feel extreme daytime fatigue, it may be worth speaking with a healthcare provider.

Conditions like insomnia and sleep apnea are common and treatable. Seeking support is a step toward long-term wellness.

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China’s Long-Promised Consumer Boom Is a Mirage

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If there is a Chinese analogue to Nero’s fiddling while Rome burned, it is the country’s latest five-year plan.

The policy blueprint — which sets out China’s economic strategy for the years ahead — was approved on Thursday by the National People’s Congress in Beijing. Chapter 15, titled “Vigorously Boosting Consumption,” proclaims that the Chinese consumer is finally going to start earning more and spending more.

This promise, which Beijing has been making for more than two decades, matters far beyond China. If Chinese consumers started spending more, it would help reduce the country’s reliance on exports to fuel its economy, a strategy that now floods world markets with Chinese-made goods and creates huge trade surpluses for China and persistent tension with trading partners such as the United States.

The situation is unlikely to change under the new plan, which mostly doubles down on China’s longstanding approach of prioritizing export-oriented industries and technological development instead of creating a truly consumer-driven economy.

Even if Communist Party leaders wanted to unleash more spending, formidable obstacles stand in the way, including a work force increasingly trapped in insecure, low-wage employment, a rapidly aging and shrinking population and a weak social safety net that encourages people to save for emergencies.

China’s people, perhaps more than at any time in the last few decades, are in no mood to go out and splurge. Many have been airing growing anxiety online about falling incomes and scarce jobs. The average income was just over $500 a month in 2025. Unemployment is high.

A fundamental shift that has taken place in China’s labor market is the root cause of these problems.

Since the early 2010s, intensifying global economic competition, automation, the pandemic-era closure of countless businesses, slowing economic growth, and China’s protracted property slump have all combined to eliminate millions of manufacturing and construction jobs. This has driven countless workers into a growing service sector that requires fewer skills and offers lower pay.

An estimated 200 million people, or at least one-quarter of China’s work force, are now engaged in insecure “gig” employment — delivering meals or packages, driving ride-hailing cars, selling goods online, or doing other short-term work. According to a study last year, nearly half of gig workers have little to no social safety net — health care, pension, unemployment, housing, or maternity benefits — a problem worsened by chronic government underinvestment in social services. Advances in technology have given companies a precise view of seasonal demand and simplified recruiting, enabling them to hire and fire workers as needed.

Adding to worker insecurity is China’s household registration system, which restricts access to social services like schooling and health care outside one’s hometown. This effectively ensures that people from China’s vast countryside serve as cheap migrant labor for megacities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Shenzhen. Reform of the registration system has been discussed for decades, but eliminating it would shift enormous welfare costs onto those cities, which currently reap benefits from migrant labor without shouldering social costs.

These are hardly the foundations of a vibrant consumer economy, and the future looks no better.

The real estate crash, now five years old, has left homeowners paying mortgages on apartments they can’t sell. New families are a key driver of spending on homes, appliances, and cars. But China’s people are marrying less frequently and having fewer babies: The population fell for the fourth straight year in 2025, and the fewest babies were born since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Fewer people, of course, means fewer consumers.

The deeper question may be whether the Chinese Communist Party’s pledges to give consumers more of a role in the economy are real — or an empty pledge to placate critics.

Consumer spending in China has hovered at 40 percent or less of China’s GDP for years (compared to more than 65 percent in the United States). The government has introduced policies in recent years to encourage spending, but these typically take the form of rebates and subsidies for appliances, electronics, and cars. This boosts sales for manufacturers and retailers but doesn’t really improve the lot of the average consumer.

Increasing the role of consumer spending in China’s economy would mean surrendering some state control to the people, something the Communist Party is loathe to do.

While the United States and Europe typically stimulate spending by putting money in consumers’ hands through tax cuts, direct payments to individuals and families, or social safety nets that reduce the need to save for emergencies, China’s government manages the economy primarily through the country’s companies. It directs investment capital to them, grants them subsidies, and uses other means to get the business sector to execute the party’s industrial policies.

Truly meaningful steps to increase the economic role of Chinese consumers would in effect redistribute income to households, leaving less capital for the party to direct toward strategic priorities like developing the tech industry, which Beijing sees as essential to securing the country’s technological self-sufficiency and competing with the United States.

The success of China’s export machine offers little incentive for the Communist Party to change course and gamble on a new consumer-focused strategy. Trade surpluses may create tension with trading partners, but they earn Beijing massive amounts of hard currency and generate endless headlines about Chinese export dominance in electric vehicles, solar panels, batteries, ships, and many other products. All of this projects an image of Chinese economic strength to audiences at home and overseas.

China’s government says the new five-year plan will lead to a marked increase in consumer spending. The more likely outcome is business as usual: more low-priced Chinese goods on world markets, more pressure on emerging economies struggling to spur their own development, even fewer Chinese imports of foreign products — and more tension with the rest of the world.

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https://static01.nyt.com/images/2026/03/13/multimedia/13yang-fhcw/13yang-fhcw-superJumbo.jpg?quality=75&auto=webpKevin Frayer/Getty Images

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Stunning video shows huge fireball blazing over Europe

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A massive fireball streaked through the evening sky over Europe on Sunday, showering at least one German town with debris and triggering an investigation into the size of the object.

The European Space Agency’s Planetary Defense team, which is leading the investigation, currently estimates that the fireball was a few meters in diameter. Apparently, the event was audible from the ground, and the fireball was visibly glowing for about six seconds. Falling debris from the meteor damaged a house, according to the agency, but there are no reported injuries.

For comparison, a large meteor that fell over Chelyabinsk Oblast in Russia in 2013, was 18 meters in diameter. It exploded during its descent about 30 kilometers (18.6 miles) above the ground, showering the surrounding area with debris and triggering a shockwave that shattered the windows of houses, injuring many. Scientists estimated that it had the same explosive power as about 440,000 tons of TNT, according to NASA.

Because of the timing of Sunday’s event and the direction the meteor was traveling in as it fell, the European Space Agency doesn’t think any of the large-scale telescope sky surveys that are designed to scan for these objects would have caught it.

It’s unclear where the fireball came from; these falling space rocks are often debris from passing comets and asteroids. When these rocks enter Earth’s atmosphere at speed, they burn up—the bigger the rock, the brighter the burn. If any bits of a meteor survives the journey through the atmosphere to hit the ground, then it becomes a meteorite. Unless they are very large, meteors typically break apart in the atmosphere, as the fireball over Europe did on Sunday.

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This new emoji is all of us in 2026

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It’s a new year, and that means a new opportunity for Apple to debut an emoji that perfectly encapsulates the current state of online culture. 

Last year, the company unveiled “Face With Bags Under Eyes,” a beleaguered little guy with the weight of the world on his shoulders who felt like the visual equivalent of the first year of another Trump administration. And in 2026, it appears that Apple has done it again.

The company is currently beta-testing iOS 26.4, a software update that’s expected to debut sometime in late March. The update will include new features in Apple Music, video upgrades in Apple Podcasts, and a few new widgets. It will also come with Apple’s much-anticipated annual drop of new emoji—one of which has already solidified its spot as the defining emoji of 2026 before it’s even officially available. 

We’re all a little bulge-eyed right now

Apple’s eight new emoji are a predictably mixed bag that range from a dust cloud and an orca to a landslide and an artistic interpretation of Bigfoot. But the true standout from this fresh crop of group chat fodder is undoubtedly “Distorted Face.” 

“Distorted Face” has a blushing, bug-eyed expression that looks like he’s been inflated like a helium balloon. Aesthetically, he feels like a relative of the variety of deep-fried emoji memes that Gen Z netizens have turned into popular reaction images. These images take a classic smiley emoji and edit it to convey a more niche emotion, like existential dread or incredulity (one popular example, which doesn’t have an official name, seems likely to be the design inspiration for “Distorted Face”).  

But, on a deeper level, “Distorted Face” is all of us in 2026. The unique blend of exasperation, shock, silliness, and resignation has endless applications: It’s all of us watching the most heinous AI slop videos dupe our relatives on the internet; seeing GLP-1 brands taking over our pharmacy shelves and grocery store aisles; and witnessing the president wear self-promotional branded merch during the dignified transfer of the remains of six U.S. service members.

Already, the internet is predicting that “Distorted Face” is going to have a big year. “About to be most-used emoji in history,” reads one tweet with more than 50,000 likes. A commenter under the post added: “This is literally the ‘I have no words’ emoji.”

If “Face With Bags Under Eyes” captured the “resigned expression of someone who’s well past their limit but is still soldiering on,” as Fast Company put it last year, then “Distorted Face” is the embodiment of someone who cannot really be surprised anymore—yet still manages it somehow.

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https://images.fastcompany.com/image/upload/f_webp,c_fit,w_750,q_auto/wp-cms-2/2026/03/p-91506158-distorted-face-emoji.jpg[Image: Apple]

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How Trump and His Advisers Miscalculated Iran’s Response to War

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On Feb. 18, as President Trump weighed whether to launch military attacks on Iran, Chris Wright, the energy secretary, told an interviewer he was not concerned that the looming war might disrupt oil supplies in the Middle East and wreak havoc in energy markets.

Even during the Israeli and U.S. strikes against Iran last June, Mr. Wright said, there had been little disruption in the markets. “Oil prices blipped up and then went back down,” he said. Some of Mr. Trump’s other advisers shared similar views in private, dismissing warnings that — the second time around — Iran might wage economic warfare by closing shipping lanes carrying roughly 20 percent of the world’s oil supply.

The extent of that miscalculation was laid bare in recent days, as Iran threatened to fire at commercial oil tankers transiting the Strait of Hormuz, the strategic choke point through which all ships must pass on their way out of the Persian Gulf. In response to the Iranian threats, commercial shipping has come to a standstill in the Gulf, oil prices have spiked, and the Trump administration has scrambled to find ways to tamp down an economic crisis that has triggered higher gasoline prices for Americans.

The episode is emblematic of how much Mr. Trump and his advisers misjudged how Iran would respond to a conflict that the government in Tehran sees as an existential threat. Iran has responded far more aggressively than it did during last June’s 12-day war, firing barrages of missiles and drones at U.S. military bases, cities in Arab nations across the Middle East, and on Israeli population centers.

U.S. officials have had to adjust plans on the fly, from hastily ordering the evacuation of embassies to developing policy proposals to reduce gas prices.

After Trump administration officials gave a closed-door briefing to lawmakers on Tuesday, Senator Christopher S. Murphy, Democrat of Connecticut, said on social media that the administration had no plan for the Strait of Hormuz and did “not know how to get it safely back open.”

Inside the administration, some officials are growing pessimistic about the lack of a clear strategy to finish the war. But they have been careful not to express that directly to the president, who has repeatedly

declared that the military operation is a complete success.

Mr. Trump has laid out maximalist goals like insisting that Iran name a leader who will submit to him, while Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth have described narrower and more tactical objectives that could provide an off-ramp in the near term.

Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said the administration “had a strong game plan” before the war broke out, and vowed that oil prices would drop after it ended.

“The purposeful disruption in the oil market by the Iranian regime is short term, and necessary for the long-term gain of wiping out these terrorists and the threat they pose to America and the world,” she said in a statement.

This article is based on interviews with a dozen U.S. officials, who asked for anonymity to discuss private conversations.

Mr. Hegseth acknowledged on Tuesday that Iran’s ferocious response against its neighbors caught the Pentagon somewhat off guard. But he insisted that Iran’s actions were backfiring.

“I can’t say that we anticipated necessarily that’s exactly how they would react, but we knew it was a possibility,” Mr. Hegseth said at a Pentagon news conference. “I think it was a demonstration of the desperation of the regime.”

Mr. Trump has displayed growing frustration over how the war is disrupting the oil supply, telling Fox News that oil tanker crews should “show some guts” and sail through the Strait of Hormuz.

Some military advisers did warn before the war that Iran could launch an aggressive campaign in response, and would view the U.S.-Israeli attack as a threat to its existence. But other advisers remained confident that killing Iran’s senior leadership would lead to more pragmatic leaders taking over who might bring an end to the war.

When Mr. Trump was briefed about risks that oil prices could rise in the event of war, he acknowledged the possibility but downplayed it as a short-term concern that should not overshadow the mission to decapitate the Iranian regime. He directed Mr. Wright and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent to work on developing options for a potential spike in prices.

But the president did not speak publicly about these options — including political risk insurance backed by the U.S. government, and the potential of U.S. Navy escorts — until more than 48 hours after the conflict started. The escorts have not yet taken place.

Mr. Wright, the energy secretary, caused a market commotion Tuesday when he posted on social media that the Navy had successfully escorted an oil tanker through the Strait of Hormuz. His post drove up stocks and reassured oil markets. Then, when he deleted the post after administration officials said no escorts had taken place, markets were once again thrust into turmoil.

Efforts to resume shipments have been complicated by intelligence that Iran was preparing to lay mines in the strait, one U.S. official said. The Iranian operation was only in its earliest stages, but the preparatory efforts spooked the Trump administration. The U.S. military said on Tuesday evening that its forces had attacked 16 Iranian mine-laying vessels near the strait.

As the conflict has roiled global markets, Republicans in Washington have grown concerned about rising oil prices damaging their efforts to sell an economic agenda to voters ahead of the midterm elections.

Mr. Trump, both publicly and privately, has been arguing that Venezuelan oil could help solve any shocks coming from the Iran war. The administration announced on Tuesday a new refinery in Texas that officials said could help increase oil supply, ensuring that Iran does not cause any long-term damage to oil markets.

The confidence that White House officials had that the shipping lanes could stay open is surprising given that Mr. Trump authorized a military campaign last year against the Houthis, a Yemeni group backed by Iran, that had used missile and drone attacks to bring maritime commerce in the Red Sea to a halt.

In a social media post last March announcing he had authorized military strikes against the Houthis, Mr. Trump said that the attacks had cost the global economy billions of dollars, and that “no terrorist force will stop American commercial and naval vessels from freely sailing the Waterways of the World.”

But since the start of the war in Iran, Mr. Trump has not offered a consistent message. In private, his aides have said they feel frustration over his lack of discipline in communicating the objectives of the military campaign to the public.

Mr. Trump has said both that the war could go on for more than a month and that it was “very complete, pretty much.” He also said the United States would “go forward more determined than ever.”

Mr. Rubio and Mr. Hegseth, however, appear to have coordinated their messaging for now on three discrete goals that they began laying out in public remarks on Monday and Tuesday.

“The goals of this mission are clear,” Mr. Rubio said at a State Department event on Monday before Mr. Trump held his own news conference. “It is to destroy the ability of this regime to launch missiles, both by destroying their missiles and their launchers; destroy the factories that make these missiles; and destroy their navy.”

The State Department even laid out the three goals in bullet-point fashion, and highlighted a video clip of Mr. Rubio stating them on an official social media account.

The presentation by Mr. Rubio, who is also the White House national security adviser, appeared to be setting the stage for the president to bring an end to the war sooner rather than later. In his news conference, Mr. Trump boasted of how the U.S. military had already destroyed Iran’s ballistic missile capability and its navy. But he also warned of even more aggressive action if Iranian leaders tried to cut off the world’s energy supply.

Matthew Pottinger, who was a deputy national security adviser in the first Trump administration, said in an interview that Mr. Trump had indicated he could decide to pursue ambitious war goals that would take weeks at least.

“In his press conference, I could hear him circling back to a rationale for fighting a bit longer given that the regime is still signaling it won’t be deterred and is still trying to control the Strait of Hormuz,” said Mr. Pottinger, now the chair of the China program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a group that advocates a close U.S. partnership with Israel and confrontation with Iran.

“He doesn’t want to have to fight a ‘sequel’ war,” Mr. Pottinger added.

The search for pathways out of the war has gained urgency since the weekend, as global oil prices surge and as the United States burns through costly munitions. Pentagon officials said in recent closed-door briefings on Capitol Hill that the military used up $5.6 billion of munitions in the first two days of the war alone, according to three congressional officials. That is a far larger amount and munitions burn rate than had been publicly disclosed. The Washington Post reported on the figure on Monday.

Iranian officials have remained defiant, saying they will use their leverage over the world’s oil supply to force the United States and Israel to blink.

“Strait of Hormuz will either be a Strait of peace and prosperity for all,” Ali Larijani, Iran’s top national security official, said in a social media post on Tuesday. “Or it will be a Strait of defeat and suffering for warmongers.”

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https://static01.nyt.com/images/2026/03/10/multimedia/10dc-iran-planning-hmpg/10dc-iran-planning-hmpg-jumbo.jpg?quality=75&auto=webpIn response to Iranian threats, commercial shipping has come to a standstill in the Gulf, and oil prices have spiked. Credit…Benoit Tessier/Reuters

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Mumps infections reveal that vaccine-preventable illnesses are resurging in the U.S.

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Mumps is back. The viral respiratory infection has been detected in at least 34 people across 11 U.S. states, according to the most recent Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data. And at least one state, Maryland, has issued an alert about the disease, which has caused at least 26 reported cases in the state as of February 19, CNN reported.

Mumps, which causes painful mouth swelling, is preventable with two doses of the measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccine. But vaccination rates in children have fallen as antivaccine sentiment has grown in the wake of the COVID pandemic, leading to a massive spike in measles outbreaks in the past year.

Mumps infects the salivary glands below the ears. The virus spreads via respiratory droplets and saliva through coughing, sneezing, talking, or sharing eating utensils. It can take two to four weeks for people to show symptoms after they are infected. Aside from the jaw swelling, mumps can cause other viral symptoms, such as fever, headache, and muscle ache. While children tend to have either mild disease or even no symptoms at all, in teenagers and adults, mumps tends to be more severe. There is no specific treatment for mumps, but rest, hydration, and pain relievers such as ibuprofen can help people recover.

One of the most painful complications of mumps is orchitis, or swelling of the testicles, which can harm fertility. The disease can also cause oophoritis or mastitis, which respectively mean inflammation in the ovaries or breasts. In rare cases, mumps can also result in meningitis—inflammation of the lining of the brain and spinal cord—or encephalitis, which is inflammation of the brain itself. Additionally, the illness can cause permanent hearing loss. Unvaccinated individuals are both more likely to be infected with mumps and more likely to have complications from the virus.

Since the first mumps vaccine came out in 1967, there has been a 99 percent decrease in cases of the disease in the U.S. But it still causes outbreaks, especially in places where people are in close contact, such as in schools, universities, and prisons.

To protect against mumps, children are recommended to receive two doses of the MMR vaccine, the first at 12 to 15 months of age and the second at four to six years old. Two doses are 86 percent effective at preventing mumps; a single dose is 72 percent effective. Vaccinated people can still get infected, especially as immunity from the shots wanes over time, but if they do, they typically have a milder infection.

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https://static.scientificamerican.com/dam/m/764070fc74d393f2/original/GettyImages-2216284321_resized.jpeg?m=1772818038.155&w=900

Illustration of the human mumps virus, a member of the Paramyxoviridae family. RUSLANAS BARANAUSKAS/SCIENCE PHOTO LIBRARY/Getty Images

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Click the link below for the complete article:

https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/mumps-infections-reveal-that-vaccine-preventable-illnesses-are-resurging-in/

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The Four House Democrats Who Voted Against the War Powers Resolution to Rein in Trump on Iran

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Four Democrats split from the rest of their party to vote down the War Powers Resolution, which would have halted President Donald Trump from continuing strikes against Iran without first gaining Congressional approval.

Much like it was in the Senate the day before, the measure was defeated in the Republican-led House of Representatives Thursday evening with a 212-219 vote.

With voting largely representing party lines, all but two GOP lawmakers moved against the measure—Representatives Thomas Massie of Kentucky, a lead sponsor of the resolution, and Warren Davidson of Ohio.

“The Constitution is clear… Our Constitution provides Congress initiatory powers of war,” said Massie during a rousing debate on the House floor. Massie has broken ranks from President Donald Trump and strayed from party lines on other key topics, such as the row over Greenland, often earning him the wrath of the Commander-in-Chief.

However, it’s arguably the Democrat votes that have garnered the most discussion. 

Some Democratic members of the House who had previously stated an intention to vote against the War Powers Resolution, which was first introduced by Massie and Democrat Ro Khanna of California in June last year, reversed course. The impact of Trump joining forces with Israel last weekend to launch surprise strikes on Iran and the widening war that has since emerged prompted some to change their position.

“When it appeared we might preemptively vote on the War Powers Resolution while the U.S. and Iran were in the middle of negotiations, I said I would be a ‘no’ vote because I believed that calling up the resolution at that time could undermine negotiations and telegraph to the Ayatollah that we weren’t applying maximum pressure and that he could delay a deal,” Rep. Jared Moskowit z of Florida said as he explained his change of heart. “A lot has changed in a week.”

While Moskowitz argued that “no one will miss” Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who was killed in early strikes, and implored that Iran must be prohibited from ever having a nuclear weapon, he pointed to mounting concern over the lack of Congressional oversight.

“Over the last year, we have seen a ludicrous increase in the speed of Congress’ abdication of authority to the Executive Branch,” he argued. “We must begin to claw back that prerogative. We must reestablish our Article I authority, which grants Congress all legislative powers.”

Rep. Josh Gottheimer also changed course by voting to pass the resolution, voicing concern over, what he described as, the lack of a “coherent explanation of what precipitated this war.”

“What I have heard publicly and in classified briefings are shifting justifications and objectives from Administration officials and the President,” he said, adding that he hopes his questions will be answered in the coming weeks, ahead of the next vote during the week of March 23.

But four Democratic lawmakers did vote against the War Powers Resolution on Thursday, defying party leadership. Here’s who they are—and the reasons they offered for their votes:

Rep. Jared Golden of Maine

Rep. Jared Golden, who serves on the House Armed Services Committee, the Seapower and Projection Forces Subcommittee, and the Intelligence and Special Operations Subcommittee, has voted in favor of the Trump Administration’s position in a few recent votes. In February, he voted against a proposal from his party colleague to block Trump’s tariffs on Canada, the only Democrat to do so. He also voted last November against the majority of his party to end the record-long government shutdown.

Golden once again went against party lines on Thursday, instead sponsoring an alternative resolution alongside Rep. Gottheimer that would give Trump a 30-day window (instead of the current 60 days he has to make his case for ongoing operations) to end military action.

“The President has not provided sufficient clarity for why this action was necessary at this exact moment. But servicemembers are actively engaged in hostilities, our allies are under attack, and the Iranian regime is more desperate than ever to reassert its power,” said Golden, in a statement released after the vote.

“While I do not believe that an abrupt about-face is a good course of action given the reality on the ground, that should not be construed as my approval. While conflict requires that we remain flexible to shifting circumstances, at this time I would not support Congressional authorization or funding for sustained combat operations.”

Golden argued that Trump has “so far acted within the authorities given to him by Congress through the War Powers Act of 1973,” but warned that could change. “This is not an illegal war—but it could become one,” he said.

Rep. Greg Landsman of Ohio

Rep. Greg Landsman co-sponsored the alternative measure put forward by his colleagues, but also voted against the War Powers Resolution.

He was critical of the Trump Administration’s attack on Iran, alongside Israel, but argued that the current operation still needs to be concluded. 

“I think it’s important to say, look, this is not good policy. What’s better policy is to allow the military and our allies to finish this particular operation, which is targeted, just the missiles, the launchers, and the ships. That’s it. And then be done,” he told C-SPAN.

Rep. Henry Cuellar of Texas

Rep. Henry Cuellar, in a statement shared with TIME, said he voted no on the resolution because he believes “Congress must exercise oversight responsibly while ensuring our military can protect American lives and interests.”

“I’m supporting a more responsible approach that provides clear oversight and stability. That’s why I helped introduce legislation that directs the President to end military action within 30 days unless Congress provides authorization,” he added, highlighting his support of the alternative resolution.

Cuellar emphasized he does not support an “endless war” and said Congress has a responsibility to “ensure that the use of military force is carefully reviewed, limited in scope, and guided by clear objectives.”

It isn’t the first time Cuellar has moved against the majority of his party, as he previously voted alongside many Republicans to end the government shutdown in November.

Rep. Juan Vargas of California

Rep. Juan Vargas voted against the resolution, in a move that set him aside from other San Diego representatives such as Scott Peters, Sara Jacobs, and Mike Levin, who all moved to rein in Trump’s military action in Iran.

Vargas has not yet released a statement detailing his vote, nor has he expressed support for the alternative war powers resolution.

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House Of Representatives Votes On War Powers ResolutionAnna Moneymaker—Getty Images

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Click the link below for the complete article:

https://time.com/7382846/democrats-who-voted-against-war-powers-resolution-iran-conflict-trump/

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Unlike in Past Conflicts, Most Americans Oppose Iran Attacks

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In the days after President Trump launched U.S. forces in an attack against Iran, support for the strikes is far lower than what it has been at the beginnings of previous foreign conflicts.

So far, polls have found that most Americans oppose the Iran attacks. Support ranges from 27 percent in a Reuters/Ipsos poll to 50 percent in a Fox News poll. The wide variation suggests that public opinion is still taking shape as more Americans learn details of the attacks and the aftermath.

But even the highest level of public support for this conflict falls far lower than that at the start of most other conflicts, including World War II, the Korean War, and the Iraq War.

In the days after the United States was attacked at Pearl Harbor and subsequently declared war against Japan, 97 percent of the public supported the move, according to Gallup. And in the days after President George W. Bush put troops on the ground in Afghanistan, 92 percent of Americans were on board in a Gallup poll.

As unpopular as the Iraq War ultimately became, 76 percent of Americans approved of the decision to go to war in a poll taken the day after the conflict began.

A part of this difference in support, said Sarah Maxey, an associate professor of international relations at Loyola University of Chicago, is the way previous presidents have taken the time to sell wars to the public.

“Before the Iraq War in 2003, we had a whole year of why this mattered, why we exhausted other operations, why we needed this,” said Ms. Maxey, who studies public opinion around war and foreign conflicts. “We have not had many foreign conflicts without a clear communication strategy beforehand.”

But there are also larger forces at play.

At the beginning of wars, presidents typically experience what researchers call the “rally around the flag effect,” where support swells, even among those who otherwise disapprove of the president.

As polarization has grown over the last 30 years and Americans have drifted further apart politically, that effect has diminished.

“People from the opposing party of the president have been the source of most of the rally, but Democrats are not going to rally behind Trump,” said Matthew Baum, a professor at Harvard University who studies public opinion on foreign policy.

“For this president, to the extent that he has any rally from his base, he has a base who thinks they hired him to get him out of wars,” he added.

Support for wars typically wanes over time, as casualties increase and Americans start to feel the costs of war.

Near the start of the Vietnam War, a 60 percent majority of Americans did not see the war as a mistake. But as the number of casualties grew, so did the public’s doubts. By 1969, a majority of the public said the war was a mistake. That number continued to grow as the war went on. (There is no polling on public approval of the Vietnam War at the start of the conflict.)

Popular sentiment about the Iraq War plummeted soon after it began, with just 43 percent of Americans supportive of the war by the end. That drop in support, though, occurred across both parties.

But long gone are the days of a unified national front.

“To the extent that politics used to stop at the water’s edge, that’s no longer the case,” Mr. Baum said.

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Click the link below for the complete article:

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/10/us/politics/polls-wars-us-support.html

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It’s time to speak out against the unchecked growth of satellite mega constellations

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I remember the first time I saw a satellite. I was a teenager, standing in my mildly light-polluted suburban yard and doing my usual stargazing. The satellite was a faint “star” moving slowly and smoothly across the sky, and as I watched it, I felt a mix of awe and wonder that such a thing could be seen—and that humans could put an object into orbit at all.

That was a lifetime ago, and I now look back on that evening with more discomfiture than nostalgia; my adolescent naivete feels almost embarrassing.

That’s because, these days, seeing one of those celestial travelers fills me with dread. We are firmly in the era of the satellite constellation—groups of dozens of similar satellites—and are currently entering the era of the mega constellation, wherein groups of thousands of satellites swarm the skies. The clusters of satellites started small, but, like a viral outbreak, they grew almost without us noticing—and now we’re dealing with a pandemic.

I wrote about this problem for Scientific American in May 2023. At the time, there were 7,500 active satellites orbiting Earth; more than half of them were SpaceX Starlink satellites that provided Internet service. In a little under three years, the number of just Starlink satellites in orbit has reached nearly 10,000. Today, there are literally more Starlink satellites up there than the sum total of all other operational satellites.

This ratio will almost certainly get more skewed toward Starlink, too; back in 2019, when the first Starlink satellites were launched, SpaceX filed with the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) for up to 30,000 additional satellites.

Does that sound bad? Well, there may come a day, all too soon, when we’re nostalgic for such a small a number of satellites cluttering the sky. On January 30, 2026, SpaceX filed for permission to launch as many as one million more satellites.

Yes, one million.

SpaceX’s plan is for this sprawling mega constellation to become a distributed network operating as an orbital data center, similar to ground-based data centers that provide the information processing backbone of the Internet. In this case, instead of having equipment capable of all that processing power stored in massive warehouses, each satellite in orbit would do a small part of the number crunching and then beam the final results back to the ground.

In principle, such plans could ease the insatiable power demands and environmental effects of ground-based centers. In 2023, data centers in just the U.S. consumed a staggering 176 million megawatt-hours of energy—a little more than 4 percent of the nation’s annual electricity usage and enough to power 16 million homes for a year. Many of these centers are powered by fossil fuels that add greenhouse gases into the atmosphere that worsen global warming. These centers also need to be cooled, and they typically consume vast amounts of water to do so. And as the use of computationally-intensive artificial intelligence soars, so, too, will the appetite for ever more power—and the potential for ever greater environmental harm.

Exporting most of that “compute” to orbit, SpaceX claims, is how to break this vicious cycle. And there is some truth to that: the satellites will be solar powered, easing the electricity demand on Earth. They also won’t need water to cool their hot chips but will instead rely on large radiators to vent heat—a slower, less efficient method, but the best one available in the near-vacuum of space. Currently in-use Starlink satellites already cool themselves this way, and the heat load for a satellite used to process data would be roughly the same as one used to provide Internet, so this isn’t the showstopper problem many people assume it to be.

So, if you don’t look too deep, large-scale orbital data centers might make sense. Scratching the surface of this idea, however, shows just how colossally terrible it is.

First, those satellites need to get to space. As astrophysicist Jonathan McDowell, my friend and colleague, points out, SpaceX claims that its Starship rocket can (once it passes testing) take 150 metric tons to low-Earth orbit, but there are good reasons to think the real operational capacity will prove be more like 100 metric tons. Assuming that low-Earth orbit is in fact where all the satellites will go (and many will undoubtedly need to fly higher), and that they each are two metric tons, that means Starship can launch around 50 satellites at a time—so creating this mega constellation even under very optimistic assumptions would require some 20,000 Starship launches.

It gets worse: these satellites will fail after a few years and will need to be replaced. In the end, upkeep for this notional million-satellite mega constellation could take on the order of 10 Starship launches per day, forever.

The environmental effect of all this wouldn’t be trivial. A single Starship launch emits 76,000 metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent, for example, leaving aside issues of noise pollution and potential damage to nearby habitats. Twenty thousand launches would have an immense effect, including more damage to our critical ozone layer. The fiery atmospheric reentries of satellites would be a source of pollution, too, dumping significant amounts of vaporized metal and plastic into our planet’s fragile upper atmosphere. At least one Starlink satellite is already burning up like this every day, based on when these satellites started entering orbit, and their planned replacement cycles—and orbital data centers could make this reentry rate skyrocket.

As if this weren’t enough, a proliferation of mega constellations also carries risks for the orbital environment itself. The volume of satellites already over our head is huge, but the numbers of proposed satellites are so vast that space traffic management to avoid collisions would become an even more massive task. Even a single collision in orbit can become catastrophic; these satellites are moving at speeds many times faster than a rifle bullet, and a direct hit from one creates a cloud of shrapnel. That debris spreads, hitting other satellites and creating even more debris, resulting in a violent cascade called the Kessler syndrome. Triggering this syndrome is already a real concern, despite orbital decay naturally “cleaning” low-Earth orbit over time. Increasing the numbers of satellites by several thousandfold could make this threat apocalyptically worse.

And as an astronomer, I can’t help but worry over the effect on my beloved field. A study published last December in Nature showed that if there were roughly half a million satellites in orbit, at least one would contaminate essentially every observation taken by the Hubble Space Telescope. Ground-based telescopes would also be severely affected; they already are now! Vaporized debris from reentries will also add to sky glow, making it more difficult to see faint cosmic objects. Even simple stargazing from your backyard would be affected. In a very real sense, by launching so many satellites, we risk losing the sky.

Keep in mind that SpaceX is not the only one crowding the sky. China has filed to launch 200,000 satellites for its own network. Other countries and companies will no doubt follow suit; Amazon and Blue Origin already plan on launching thousands of satellites each as well. Even more concerning is a new company, called Reflect Orbital, that wants to launch thousands of giant space mirrors into orbit to provide “sunlight on demand” anywhere on Earth. The beams would be far brighter than the full moon and, even if carefully pointed, would scatter in the atmosphere to be very bright off-beam, disrupting wildlife and effectively destroying the sky’s remaining natural beauty by erasing the stars from our sight. These mirrors are a truly terrible idea.

That’s the common theme here, in fact. Even ignoring the deeply disturbing environmental and light pollution from all these launches and reentries, there is another effect. Our night sky—and it is ours—is a natural wonder, a cosmic park we need to preserve, not exploit with a laissez-faire attitude. This careless exploitation of the heavens above is a real danger to us all.

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https://static.scientificamerican.com/dam/m/2ee5a500a54116fc/original/2XCRY0H_WEB.jpg?m=1719272145.488&w=900

Light trails from satellites in low-Earth orbit fill the sky in this composite long-exposure photograph, which was captured over a 30-minute period. Alan Dyer/VWPics/Alamy Stock Photo

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Click the link below for the complete article:

https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/rampant-growth-of-satellite-mega-constellations-could-ruin-the-night-sky/

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